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By Sam C. Sarkesian

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UnderĀ­ lying this was the return to the idea that politicians negotiated and military men fought wars. Equally important, such a posture for the military professional was relatively easy to translate into education and training, and into a clear state of civil-military relations. The military served society, and in this service, the military was intellectually wedded to military skills and military matters conceived in a narrow professional sense. Additionally, military professionalism, according to this perspective, viewed the world in pessimistic terms.

NOTES 1 . S e e Sam C. S a r k e s i a n , T h e Professional Army Officer in a Changing S o c i e t y . Chicago: Nelson-Hall C o . , 1975, p . 188. 2 . For an e x c e l l e n t o v e r v i e w of the l i t e r a t u r e see Charles C. Moskos, J r . , "The Military" in Annual Review of S o c i o l o g y , Vol. 2, 1976. See a l s o , John C. Lovell, "No T u n e s of Glory: America's Military in the Aftermath of Vietnam," in Indiana Law Journal, Vol. 49, N o . 4, Summer, 1974. 3 . S e e , for example: Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier, New York: The Free P r e s s , 1971; Samuel P .

Military systems are presumed to reflect t h e society; and t h u s professional e t h i c s , a t t i t u d e s , and beliefs develop a close identification with those of society. Moreover, the socialization process of the military professional is not completely divorced from society. This is not to s u g gest that professionalism does not develop its own dimensions. For example, the fact that society declares no more Vietnams does not necessarily s u g g e s t that the professional should not study counter-insurgency.

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