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They first corrupt you, and then they intrigue against you; they purchase you, in order to sell themselves. . The aristocracy desire to be distinguished from you, not to be distinguished by you. *' These useless idlers presided over a system that denied careers to the talented. The real nation was, as earlier in the century, seen as outside that corrupt government, but that nation was not a warmed-over Augustan country. Now it was the virtuous, hard-working, and frugal middle class and artisanry, who were as uninterested in a republican order of civic virtue as they were in an aristocratic order of deference and privilege.

Cooper and Mr. Watt (London, 1792), 16. J. Stit, A Sequel to the Friendly Advice to the P o w (Manchester, 1756), 17; and Strutt, as quoted in Fitton and Wadsworth, The Strutts and the Arkwrights, 108. 95 When such self-centered, virtuous men addressed themselves to public issues, they did so less and less in terms of the paradigms and language of civic humanism or classical republicanism and more and more with the conceptual framework they knew best, the market. Joel Barlow-financial speculator, international entrepreneur, radical friend of Jefferson, Paine, Price, Wollstonecraft, Godwin, and Priestley-wrote of the French Revolution in his Advice to the Privileged Orders in the Several States of Europe in the language and the paradigms he knew best.

When Francis Place complained that "the whole system of our Government is essentially corrupt," he was not invoking a court-country equation with commerce and modernity, he was using a new public language that saw government as a reserve for privileged parasites. It was the same language used by the Sheffield reformer, Henry Yorke, in linking corruption to the aristocratic system: From the privileged orders where birth supplies the lack of ability, virtue, knowledge and experience the executive officers of the nation are selected..

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